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Chapter:
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Gordons of Lochinvar
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Life in Scotland during the last half of the 18th century was intolerable for most Scots. England had had much trouble with them in the past and was appointing outstanding English politicians "managers" of Scotland in the latter 18th century. The English ministers in London relied on these "managers" to keep Scotland quiet and amenable. The most able, "manager", from the English standpoint, and the most notorious, from the Scot standpoint, was Henry Dundas. Dundas was the younger Pitt's trusted lieutenant, later to become Viscount Melville. During the last quarter of the 18th century Dundas was the virtual ruler of Scotland. His administration was extremely autocratic with almost complete control of elections in Scotland. His term as "manager" has come to be called the "Dundas despotism". (23) This was the sad state of affairs in Scotland in 1800 when James Gordon, a member of a noted Scot family, born in 1779, emigrated to the U.S.A. Gordon settled in Nashville, Tennessee and became a wealthy man in a relatively few years. He was a planter, merchant, and the owner of several steamboats.(13) James Gordon's success impressed his younger brother, Robert Gordon, still in Scotland struggling under the "Dundas despotism".
In 1810 Robert Gordon reached his maturity of twenty-one, having been born at Minnegaff, Scotland in 1788. James had left Scotland at age twenty-one and had done extremely well. Robert saw no reason that he should not do likewise if he emigrated to the U.S. He certainly was not satisfied with Scotland's state of affairs, or with his part in Scotland's affairs, at that time. He had received his inheritance at age twenty-one, just as James had done.
Robert was an intelligent and independent young man. He realized that his way would be made easier in the U.S. if he joined his, already well established, brother in Nashville. He entered the U.S. through Savannah, Georgia and made his way to Nashville and James. Robert's intelligence and industriousness made him a useful partner to James for several years, however his independence was always goading him to break away and seek his fortune on his own. Robert had kept his ear to the ground during his years with James and had learned much from James' abilities as merchant, planter, and businessman. This acquired knowledge was to serve him well.
During the first quarter of the 19th century in the U.S. there was a strong impetus developing in the eastern U.S. to move west into land occupied by the Chickasaw Indians and other tribes. Robert saw opportunity in this movement westward.
The Chickasaw tribe in Mississippi had always been friendly with the English and antagonistic toward the French and Spanish. Robert felt that he would probably be received well among the Chickasaws because the half-breed (Scot-Chickasaw) Colbert brothers dominated the tribe, at that time. Logan Colbert, a Scot, had entered the Chickasaw territory and had married a Chickasaw woman and had several sons, all of whom became influential Chickasaw chiefs. In fact, the Colberts were in complete control of the tribe during the first quarter of the 19th century. The Chickasaws still had a full-blood king and queen but they were mere figureheads. The half-breed Colbert chiefs were making all-important decisions.
Robert made a shrewd decision when he chose to enter the Chickasaw territory because of the common Scot blood with the Colberts. He made another shrewd decision when he chose to locate at Cotton Gin Port on the Tombigbee River in what is now Monroe County Mississippi. Cotton Gin Port was a point of confluence of ancient Indian trails that had become the first white settlement in the northern half of Mississippi.(13) There were many Chickasaws in Cotton Gin Port and in the surrounding territory. There were also many white settlers entering this area because the only routes of travel in the area, at that time, were Indian trails and all the Indian trails in the area led to Cotton Gin Port. The young Scot was thinking very shrewdly, not only had he selected a friendly Indian tribe to move in with, but he had also selected a very choice spot in the entire Chickasaw territory.
Robert Gordon seemed to be traveling under a lucky star at this time of his life. Perhaps he had just planned well, like any good Scot should. There was still another factor that made Robert's decision to settle in Cotton Gin Port a wise one. Levi Colbert, Chief Itawamba to the Chickasaws, lived in Cotton Gin Port when Robert Gordon arrived, Levi Colbert was the most influential chief among the Chickasaw tribe. Robert quickly found ways to win the chief's favor and friendship. This became very valuable to Gordon in his subsequent Indian trading,
Gordon was soon settled and accepted among the Chickasaws. He was well supplied financially because of his inheritance and his years of working with James. He felt that his situation offered great opportunities for him if he made the correct choice of vocation. He had always been hard working and ambitious. He had been trained in the jewelry trade in Scotland but saw little possible use of that particular trade in his present situation. What he did see was a great opportunity for a general store in Cotton Gin Port. This vocation would lead to much trade with tbe Chickasaws and the large number of white settlers arriving in the territory looking for land on which to settle.
Robert seemed to have an innate talent for business and trade and had learned much from observing James in his business transactions. He prospered in his store dealings and trade with the Chickasaws and soon was doing very well financially. Cotton was beginning to be produced in quantity in the area and was placed on flat boats to be floated down the Tombigbee River to Mobile, Alabama destined for the European market. During the dry season of the year the Tombigbee often became too shallow to float the flat boats of cotton. Robert Gordon simply moved down stream to deeper water and bought up land on the river and set about organizing a town. He first named the town Dundee from the city in Scotland but the local people corrupted the Scot pronunciation of Dundee and Gordon renamed the town, Aberdeen. Gordon was never to live in Aberdeen but had extensive business dealings in the town.
He had come to be respected in the town and surrounding territory but he often had feelings of loneliness and a need for female companionship and help. Robert had become a very eligible young man of 40 years by 1928 and had some claim to being somewhat selective in choosing his bride.
Jesse Walton, a leading citizen of Cotton Gin Port, and his wife Joanna were the parents of three daughters noted as the "beautiful Walton Girls of Cotton Gin Port". Jesse Walton was a descendant of George Walton, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, and Lord Walton of England. Robert was 40 years old and Mary Elizabeth was 15 when they entered upon their life together. They elected to reside in Cotton Gin Port since it was still the leading town in the territory. Their first child was a daughter, Joanna Hobson Gordon born in 1831. A son, James Gordon, was born on December 6, 1833.
An event that occurred in October 1832 was to have a profound influence on Robert Gordon and his family. This was the Treaty of Pontotoc Creek between the Chickasaw Tribe and the U.S. Government. There had been ever increasing pressure from the American people to move the Chickasaws west of the Mississippi River in order to open up additional land for white settlement. President Andrew Jackson was not resistive to this pressure. Jackson was certainly not an Indian lover. He had destroyed the Creek Tribe after the Fort Mimms Massacre of white settlers in Alabama. Jackson sent Gen. John Coffee to the Chickasaw territory to negotiate toward transfer of the Chickasaws. Coffee had been an aide to Andrew Jackson in the Battle of New Orleans with the British in the War of 1812. Jackson’s tremendous victory had made him famous and was to play a large part in his election to the Presidency. Coffee's influence had also greatly increased because of his part in the victory.
The Chickasaws were resistive to the Treaty of Pontotoc Creek. There had been several treaties between the Chickasaws and the U.S. in which the Chickasaws fared very badly and much animosity toward the U.S. had developed among the Chickasaws. Adding to this underlying animosity, was the fact that the Treaty of Pontotoc Creek would take the last of the remaining Chickasaw territory. Andrew Jackson and John Coffee knew of this resistance of the Chickasaws and realized they would need the help of influential whites already in the area. Robert Gordon was certainly an influential man in the area by this time and, even more important, he had great influence with the leading Chickasaw Chief, Levi Colbert. Robert Gordon was certainly interested in promoting the treaty because he saw great personal opportunities for the acquisition of land at low cost if the treaty could be brought to fruition. Levi Colbert proved to be a tough negotiator and Robert played a leading role in Colberts' final decision to go along with the treaty. Robert Gordon was present at the treaty signing and affixed his signature as a witness.(19) The treaty was finally signed in 1834.
Pontotoc, Mississippi was selected as the site for the Federal Land Office from which 6,000,000 acres of acquired land would be sold at public auction. This site was selected because of its central location in the Chickasaw Territory.
Robert Gordon lost no time in getting into the arena of action. He moved his family to the town of Pontotoc where much land was to be had. He certainly had sufficient funds to pursue his favorite vocation of land speculation.
The Treaty of Pontotoc Creek gave a section of land (640 acres) to each Chickasaw to be sold at public auction. Robert was very interested in building a house appropriate to his social and financial status. He had promised his young wife a house to match that of any of her ancestors and relatives in Virginia, where she was born and lived before the Walton family moved to Cotton Gin Port. Robert already had ownership of extensive lands but wished to build at a site near the Federal Land Office in Pontotoc to be handy to his land speculations. He learned that an Indian woman by the name of Molly Gunn had been deeded a section of land about two miles south of Pontotoc.
Gordon investigated the Gunn land and found it very suitable for his planned house. The property was located on the highest point in the area. This was important to the shrewd Scot because of the dangers of malaria and yellow fever in lower lands. There was a growth of huge, fine, old forest pine trees on this highest point of the land. Gordon demanded a plentiful and excellent water supply. This was supplied very well by the presence of numerous free flowing natural springs of water on the property. Gordon realized that he would need a soil that would afford a good foundation that would not shift for such a large house as he planned. He found the topsoil at his prospective site to be underlain by red clay that would serve as a very fine foundation for his house. Robert felt that he had found the perfect spot for his mansion.
The day of the public auction of Molly Gunn's property arrived and Robert was there with his pocketbook. Apparently there were others that felt the property was prime because he had to bid $2,250.00 for the 640 acres - $3.50 an acre when most of the land was going for about $2.00 per acre. For some reason Robert bought the property in his son James' name.(3) James was three years old at the time and was his only living child. Joanna had died in 1835 at age four before the house was built but for some unknown reason had been buried on the next hill behind the proposed building site. Robert may have been sure, even in 1835, that this was to be the house site. The cause of Joanna's death is unknown but was probably a childhood illness that was deadly in those days but totally preventable today, such as whooping cough or diphtheria.
Molly Gunn's deed of the property to James Gordon is recorded in the 1836 Book of Deeds in the Chancery Clerk’s office of Pontotoc, Mississippi. Molly Gunn's maiden name had been Molly Colbert. She was the daughter of Major General William Colbert, one of the Colbert half-breed Chickasaw Chiefs.
President George Washington had given William Colbert his military appointment. In 1794 President Washington had solicited the aid of the Chickasaw Nation in the campaign against hostile northwestern Indians led by Little Turtle. William Colbert, Chief Piomingo and Chief Tishomingo had joined "Mad"Anthony Wayne and a group of frontiersmen against Little Turtle at the Battle of Fallen Timbers on August 20, 1794. Little Turtle was defeated decisively, resulting in a treaty on August 3, 1795 that opened up the northwestern area to settlement.
William Colbert, Piomingo and Tishomingo were invited to come to Philadelphia, then the center of government, by President Washington. It was at this meeting that Washington bestowed the rank of Major General upon William Colbert for his important part in the defeat of Little Turtle. Washington also presented a small shovel plow to Colbert as a token to encourage the Chickasaws to adopt agriculture as a means of life support. Washington felt that advancing civilization would otherwise doom the Chickasaw’s nomadic tribal existence, a very prophetic thought.
William Colbert was loyal to the United States in the War of 1812, joining the U.S. and serving in the army for nine months. He also took part in Andrew Jackson's activities in the Creek War. Colbert never made the transfer to the reservation in Oklahoma, dying before the exodus and was interred in the Pontotoc, Mississippi Cemetery.
Molly Colbert had married an Englishman by the name of James Gunn. Gunn remained loyal to the English king after the Revolution, never allowing his people to celebrate the 4th of July.
Robert Gordon had his house site and set about building his house. He was a large slave owner by this time because of his ownership of several plantations in Pontotoc, Chickasaw and Monroe County Mississippi.(15) He sent to Scotland for overseers and artisans to supervise the slaves in the erection of his house. All the timbers were cut on the property and all the brick were slave-made on the property. The construction of such a house was quite an undertaking for Robert, at that time, because the area was still essentially a pristine wilderness, but Robert knew what he wanted and he had the money to do it. He was so sure of what he wanted and how he wanted it done that he would have built the house himself if he could have done so. This being impossible, he kept an ever-present eagle eye on the construction and was very uncompromising in his demands. This resulted in a truly remarkable house with much attention to detail. Robert had made good his promise to his beautiful young wife. He was very proud of the house and she of him for it. Their pride in the place helped to soften their terrible grief at the loss of their dear, sweet daughter, at rest on the hill behind the house, which they had named Lochinvar. Lochinvar had been the name of the Gordons' ancestral home in Scotland, which had been so named from Sir Walter Scott’s poem "Lord Lochinvar" in Scott's Marmion in which the young Lord Lochinvar stole away his love from her parent-planned marriage ceremony.
The building of Lochinvar was a sort of sideshow for Pontotoc. The members of the surrounding area could not believe what the audacious Gordon was doing out in the wilderness. They gathered to see what he would do next. They watched the felling of the huge straight, towering pines, which were hand hewn into timbers, utilizing only the choicest parts without knots because there was an ever-abundant supply available. When the observer saw the massive size and length of the hand hewn timbers being cut for the foundation they wondered just how large this house was going to be. They thought how much they would dislike working for this man who was such a stickler for detail. Those observing the slaves making the bricks wondered if it was to be a brick house, so many were being made in the kilns built on the grounds for the purpose. When they saw the size of the brick pillars being erected to support the massive timbers of the foundation they understood. The project became a veritable town meeting with clumps of men whispering in wonder at what was going on. They had never seen anything to compare with this project.
They often predicted that a given project would not, or could not, work but Robert Gordon was there to make sure that it did. Large logs and timbers were transported on large wagons, pulled by oxen, to the nearest steam driven sawmill in order to obtain the sawed boards for floors and siding. There were many guesses as to how many rooms this house was to have when the wide expanse of the foundation was seen. However, when the area for the rooms was being lain out they saw that there would not be an inordinate number of rooms because the rooms were 22 feet square with 22 feet wide and 44 feet long entrance foyer. This plan was duplicated in the upstairs with two rooms on each side of the huge foyer. The ceilings were 13 feet high throughout the house. Especially fine timbers were selected for the construction of the floors resulting in boards, without knots, that traversed the 22-foot rooms. There were few visible points of junction in the boards throughout the house. The boards for the floors were six inches wide and two inches thick.
The observation crew wondered what was to be done with the remaining wide expanse of foundation after the rooms were finished. They couldn't believe their eyes when they saw it develop into a gallery, 18 feet wide and 154 feet long, going completely around the back and two ends of the house.
The house had now grown to a height of approximately 50 feet because a full attic was added on the third floor. These 50 feet did not include the large basement underneath the house. The observers kept thinking they would see someone fall to his death as the hand split wood shingles were being placed on the high roof.
The sightseers were now at a disadvantage because the inside work started and Robert would run off any non-worker he found inside the house. They did have lots of large windows to peek through, relaying the new developments to their fellow seekers in the background. Much to their dismay, they soon saw that ole Robert planned to plaster the entire inner surface of the house. They predicted that the plaster would not stick over such a vast area but Robert had this in hand. He had his crew cut innumerable thousands of hand-split laths. These were then nailed to the walls and ceilings with old square nails leaving a space about one half inch between each board for the plaster to key into as it dried.
Our outsiders then wondered how Gordon planned to get from floor to floor. He soon showed signs of planning not one, but three staircases. One went from the gallery and dining room to the upstairs floors. This was to be used by all the household staff. The second was from the attic to the roof. The third was a magnificent freestanding spiral staircase going from the first to the third floor, a true work of art.
Then Gordon started to dress up his house. One of the many legends of the house that has been handed down over the years is that he had four huge solid 30-foot Tucson columns removed from an old castle in Scotland. These said to have been shipped over and then brought by ox wagon from Mobile, Alabama to Pontotoc. The truth is that the columns were cut from huge pine trees on the place as evidenced by bits of pine resin occasionally exuding from the columns to this day. However the size, length and weight of the columns awed the onlookers. The people turned out to gaze and wonder if Gordon would ever get the columns upright. There was no shortage of available help and the task was accomplished, accompanied by applause from the crowd.
Robert then turned his workers to the roof and started an erection to a further height. The onlookers wondered what he was now up to. Was he going to build a house on top of his house? The structure rose to become an eight-sided observatory with double windows on each side, which provided an extended vista of his grounds and farm.
In those antebellum days the large plantation houses did not have kitchens inside the house because of the danger of fire. A separate kitchen was constructed adjacent to the house where the cooking was done. The food was then transferred to the dining room of the house. Gordon had such a plan for Lochinvar. Many more bricks were needed. The outside kitchens were always constructed of brick as a further precaution against fire. The kitchens being very near the house, a fire from a wooden structure could spread to the house. Gordon constructed a 40-foot long and 25-foot wide brick kitchen with a large fireplace at each end with dutch ovens beside each fireplace. Each fireplace was fitted with equipment including hangers with large black pots suspended on arms to swing the pots over the fire in the fireplace. There were multiple hooks on which cooking utensils could be suspended over the f ire.
Slave quarters had to be constructed a short distance from the big house. These were small rough structures of two rooms with a fireplace for heating and cooking. Toilet facilities for both the big house and the slave quarters were wooden outdoor privies. There were one-holers for the slave cabins and multiple holers for the big house. Gordon then landscaped Lochinvar with a formal garden consisting of English boxwood, cedars, magnolias and many flowers,
Mary Wallace Crocker describes Lochinvar in the book, Historical Architecture in Mississippi, as follows:
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“Lochinvar has classic details with the simple pediment supported by four modified Tucson columns. The doorway ensemble is especially attractive with Ionic columns in antis. Rectangular transom lights span the double door while pilasters and sidelights frame the sides. The motif employed for the rail of the second floor gallery depicts reeds tied to form an interesting pattern. The architectural elements of the entrance hall are especially fine. An arch divides the length of the hall and appears to be supported by paired pilasters. The arch and pilasters are paneled. A spectacular stairway sweeps from right to left at the rear of the hall and spirals up for three levels. A second stairway, located in the attic, provided access to the octagonal cupola. The house contains eight principal rooms-each measuring twenty-two feet square. To the left of the entry are double parlors that can be separated by folding doors. The fine quality millwork features the Greek crossettes. The simple wooden mantels project at eight intervals. French doors open onto an eighteen-foot-wide gallery that spans the side of the parlors and the rear of the house. An unusual feature of the floor plan is a service staircase that rises from the dining room to the bedroom apartments. The house has a spacious attic lighted by two windows at each end of the gabled roof. The sturdy construction of Lochinvar can be noted in the basement. The rural setting greatly enhances the beauty of the house. A narrow, curving road meanders across the acres to the stately classic mansion that is landscaped with cedars and English boxwoods as old as the house.”(4) |
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Robert and Mary Elizabeth now had a beautiful large plantation house, which they were anxious to display. An approach road was constructed that swept along the edge of the grounds passing across in front of the house to end at the side of the house. The Gordons had a social christening of Lochinvar and invited all their friends. One of James Gordon's first memories was this party with its music and lights, dancing, laughter and feasting. James was allowed to help his parents greet the guests. He was dressed in a velvet suit and ruffled shirt. The Gordons introduced James proudly and the bright three-year-old child reacted with charm and courtesy. Robert and Mary Elizabeth's thoughts were also on their dear departed daughter, Joanna, and wished that she could share their joy of the occasion.
Life at Lochinvar then settled down to the busy routine operation of large plantations. Robert was very busy overseeing his plantations and land speculations. Mary Elizabeth was certainly very busy with all the duties of head mistress of Lochinvar. James had all the benefits of a wealthy caring father and a loving mother who were determined to further the development of what appeared, to be a bright, promising child. They were very anxious to afford James an excellent education. James was entered in the Monroe Mission School a few miles south of Lochinvar that had been formed by Rev. Thomas Stuart. Monroe Mission was the first successful mission in the Chickasaw Nation formed by Stuart in 1821 under sponsorship of the Presbyterian Church. Chickasaw children attended the Monroe Mission School when James was a student there. Some time later James became sweet on Chief Itawamba's daughter, Minti- Ohoyo. This led to a later poem by Gordon that says much more than his feelings for Minti- Ohoyo:
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“Minti-Ohoyo was the
name of a maiden in the Chickasaw Nation Besides, she was a
chief's daughter. Old Itawamba, her sire But Minti-Ohoyo, the
beauty - Minti-Ohoyo, love's morning star His race that dwelt
on the Solway, where the young Laird "came out of the west" And sent Itawamba
to westward, the chief and little brown maid |
James was then sent to schools at Cherry Creek, and Holly Springs, Mississippi and LaGrange College in Alabama. He transferred from LaGrange to the University of Mississippi in 1853 for his last two years of college, graduating from the University of Mississippi in 1855. His record at the University was a good, but not outstanding, one. It was more important that he had contact with some outstanding professors that had a lasting impression and effect on James' life. He was to maintain a very close relationship with the University of Mississippi until his death; serving as poet of the University and on the Board of Trustees in his later years.
After his graduation he assisted his father in his farming operations, leading a reckless carefree sort of life so common among the sons of rich planters in antebellum Mississippi. James had early developed a love for outdoor sports and nature and his well founded financial status allowed him to pursue this avocation to the fullest. Wild game was abundant in Mississippi in those antebellum days and James hunted bear, cougar, deer, turkey and quail avidly and rode to the hounds fox hunting with a passion. He always possessed a large pack of hounds, fine riding steeds, and fine guns. A very wide hunting area was available to him on his father's large plantations and he hunted extensively in the Mississippi River delta which at that time was a wild unsettled area producing extensive wildlife. Few men of his day had the money or the time to pursue the furred and feathered creatures of nature as James did. This avocation was to play a large part in the development of another avocation of writing in his later years. He was to pursue writing as diligently in his later years as he had hunting in his early years. He had an almost uncanny ability in both fields.
James had received an excellent education for his day and his bright young mind soaked it up like a sponge. He had a merry convivial manner about him that made him a "hale fellow-well met" throughout his life. This earned him the nickname of "Sunny Jim". These traits played a large part in his decision to run for the Mississippi State Legislature in 1857. He was married to Caroline Virginia Wiley in 1856 and felt that he really should have some other ambition than helping his father. Virginia was the daughter of Yancy Wiley, a leading citizen of College Hill near Oxford, Mississippi. James had met Virginia while a student at the University. Their union was blessed with a daughter, Annie, within a year. It was to be 20 years before their other child, Robert James, was born.
James Gordon was well received and liked in the legislature. His personality seemed to be well suited for a political career but he was only 24 years old and he had so many other interests that he made no great waves or splashes in the halls of government at this time. This was to come much later.
The young Nimrod had hunted all the local Mississippi game as 1859 rolled around. He wished to hunt big game and started making plans for an African safari. His plans included inviting several hunting friends to go with him to Africa with Gordon footing the bill. He went to New Orleans to purchase a ship for the trip. He had not heard much talk of war in North Mississippi but when he arrived in New Orleans, talk of war was about all that he did hear. He became convinced that there would be a war. He was fearful of it already having been won by the South before he could get back from his African safari. His safari was cancelled and he used part of the money that he had set aside for the trip to purchase all available Maynard rifles and ammunition for the guns in New Orleans. Thoughts of forming a company of cavalry came to his mind because he was a great lover of horses and had become an excellent horseman. He bought saddles, bridles and blankets and had all of his purchases shipped to Lochinvar. He headed back to northern Mississippi, making his plans for his cavalry company throughout the return trip.
James' parents had attempted to dissuade his planned safari. Robert thought it a waste of good money. Mary Elizabeth was very concerned of the danger to her only dear child. His wife loved him so dearly and wished so for his happiness that sweet talking "Sunny Jim" was able to get her half hearted consent. These three were totally dismayed to see James back home so soon after all their non-availing admonitions. They were even more dismayed when told of the reason for his early return and change of plans. They found him even more excited and determined in his new plan than he had been in his former one. Many new admonitions were advanced to no avail against the Scot blood coursing through his veins and brain. He was not to be headed.
James bought black horses and started scouting the countryside for recruits for his cavalry troop. "Sunny Jim" had many friends, most of whom were as impetuous and hot-blooded as himself. He had little trouble enlisting sufficient men to form a company of cavalry and, of course, his men elected him captain of the troop. They called themselves the Chickasaw Rangers.(8) James started training his troop before war was formally declared. The men were eager and learned very fast because almost all were veteran horsemen and excellent marksmen, having grown up with a horse between their legs and a gun in their hands. They were already saying, with conviction, that " Any Rebel could whip four damn Yankees".
The foregone was finally accomplished, James had been correct - there was going to be a war and Pierre Gustave Toutant De Beauregard fired his cannon...
The Chickasaw Rangers were sitting on ready, all their time of waiting, since being commissioned February 7, 1861, was over. Captain Gordon immediately began to seek orders to the front in Virginia. On May 18, 1861 he wrote Mississippi Gov. John J. Pettus:
| “I have received your communication in regard to my company going to Tennessee without pay. Don't want a red (cent), only a chance for a fight. We are ready to start any day this week. Give us the means of transportation that is all the Rangers want. I will go immediately to Memphis to see Gen. Pillow. With many thanks to you for the opportunity of doing something, I remain yours as ever, Jas. Gordon”(2) |
In a letter to Gov. Pettus on May 22, 1861, James states:
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"Dear Sir, My company is ready
to go anywhere. Am en route for Memphis to see Gen. Pillow about taking
my company to the Mississippi River. Will you please give me an order
for the pistols in the hands of the Home Guard in Aberdeen? I need them
very much. P.S.: I need 20 Maynard Rifles also."(2) |
All of his purchased arms had been manned; he now had more men than guns. The Rangers were finally given orders by Gen. Pillow to go to Union City, Tennessee to guard the Mississippi River. James had a change of heart regarding "not needing a red (cent)" by August 1861, when he sent the South-Western Telegraph Company telegram to "Hon. J.J. Pettus,"
| "Leave for Richmond
tomorrow, Order Bugg by telegraph to pay my troops. Jas. Gordon Capt. Chickasaws”(2) |
James' money was running low and he was starting to ask his father for more money. Robert did not feel the same as James regarding "not needing a red (cent)". War was war but money was money to Robert, he had worked hard for it, not inheriting it, as had James.
The job of guarding the Mississippi River at Union City was not very exciting for the rash Gordon and Chickasaw Rangers, especially since they were all the time hearing about more fighting in Virginia. After a few weeks of watching the mighty muddy Mississippi flow by, Gordon's boys began pushing him to get them to the front. They said, "Look here, Jim, this project of yours don't seem to be working out. We want you to get us up to the front". James now began to write and telegram General Pope Walker, The Secretary of War for the Confederacy, asking for orders to the front. James and General Walker had known each other since James was a boy. Walker kept putting James off with first one excuse and then another but the Captain kept writing him a letter or sending him a telegram every day begging him to order the Chickasaw Rangers to Richmond.(8) In Walker's responses he would never call James “Captain" but would call him “Sunny Jim". He probably thought of Gordon only as "Sonny Jim" and was fearful of bringing down the wrath of Robert on his head.
Walker began to be very irritated by Gordon keeping after him so close and in frustration sent James a telegram stating, "Take your blasted troop and go to blazes". Captain Gordon didn't want any better orders than that but it was hard to believe the trouble they had in getting to Richmond. The Rangers began to be more and more fearful that all the fighting would be over before they got a chance to see any of it.
James went to the president of the railroad in Memphis and told him that he had orders from General Walker to go to Richmond and needed transportation. The railroad president said, "Jim, we'll be sorry to see you go, and I can't send you all the way because my line only runs as far as Knoxville, but I'll send you there", so the Rangers were on their way.
At Knoxville the waiting started again as Gordon ran around town trying to get transportation. He would wave his telegram at the quartermasters and say that his orders were from the Secretary of War but took care not to let anybody read them. Transportation was finally secured to Bristol, Tennessee where they had to lay over for two weeks before Gordon could get another train for his men and horses.
Finally early one morning the troop got into Richmond and Gordon went to see General Pope Walker. When James walked into Walker’s office he looked up from behind his desk and said, "Why hello Jim. Where did you come from and what are you doing way up here so far from home?" Gordon said, “General, I’m here with my Chickasaw Rangers, on your orders," General Walker said, "My orders? I never sent you and your blamed Chickasaw Rangers any orders". Gordon pulled Walker's telegram on him and Walker just naturally exploded. He was going to have Gordon arrested and he was going to do this, that and the other thing. Gordon finally got him pacified. Walker asked where the Chickasaw Rangers were. Gordon told him they were still on the cars and wanted their breakfast. Walker gave him orders on the quartermaster, commissary and ordinance officers for what Gordon needed. Walker said, “I'm going to send you down to Fairfax Court House and put you under Gen. Jeb Stuart. You’ll see all the fighting you want with him and I hope you and every one of your derned Chickasaw Rangers will get killed.”
The first thing that Gordon did was to go out and get eight baggage wagons to put their trunks on. Every one of Gordon's fellows had left home with a slave and a trunk. They didn't see how they could get along without either.
The first thing that Jeb Stuart did when Gordon reported to him at Fairfax Court House was to take seven of his eight wagons away from him. He told Gordon if the young gentlemen of the Chickasaw Rangers expected to keep up with him they had better leave their trunks behind. Gordon took all the trunks down to Culpepper Court House for safekeeping. They never saw or heard of the trunks again. The ladies at Pontotoc had painted them a beautiful flag with their name on it. This flag was taken away from them. They were then told that they could not call themselves the Chickasaw Rangers any more, but must be plain Troop B in the Jeff Davis Legion.(8)
As General Pope Walker had promised, Cordon and his Chickasaw Rangers saw all the fighting they wanted with Jeb Stuart. He was in several Virginia campaigns. It was about this time that the South concluded that the war was going to last longer than the few weeks they had expected.
Gordon requested to be sent back to Mississippi to organize a battalion in January 1862:
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Army of the Potomac Hon. J.P. Benjamin Seeing the great want of cavalry in our army, if it meets with your approval, I propose organizing out of the Infantry regiments from Mississippi whose term of service will expire early in the spring, a battalion of cavalry which shall enlist for the war. This is to include the company I now command. I propose to man and equip them. Two Companies to be armed with the Maynard rifle, Colt pistol and sabre. One company armed with Colt rifle and pistol, one with double barrel shot guns and lance or sabre. I will be under the necessity of asking the Government for a portion of the pistols for the last named company; all the other arms I am prepared to furnish. I desire to enlist the men and get them transported to Mississippi and by spring, say first of May, I will obligate myself to have the four companies armed, mounted and equipped for active service. If you prefer, the twelve months troops remaining as they are until the expiration of their term of enlistment. I wish to know if I would be received into service of organizing such a battalion during the summer months for the fall campaign, though I would much prefer the first proposition being accepted. Please reply at your earliest convenience. I am respectfully, |
Gordon wrote his Commanding officer Gen. Jeb Stuart the following letter:
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Camp Clifford Dear Sir: Enclosed your will find a letter to Hon. J.P. Benjamin on the subject of the Cavalry Battalion I spoke to you of - the proposals I make to the War department I am fully prepared to comply with -and with your assistance to add a valuable accommodation to the Cavalry Brigade. I wish it understood, this is to be a separate command and in no way whatever attached to the Jeff Davis Legion. I would wish, if it were possible, that the two squadrons be attached to your person as a bodyguard. I am a soldier and will shirk no duty whatever - I would ask a furlough to Richmond but I know the President and War Department are bored to death with promotion seekers. So I have concluded to leave the matter entirely in your hands and repay your kindness by adding new luster to your cause on the battlefield. If the War Department accepts my proposal it must be done at once as the men are impatient to go home and it will keep me quite busy to get everything in readiness by spring. Hoping to hear from you soon. I am truly Your Obedient
Servant |
Gen. Jeb Stuart responded to Gordon’s plans for a battalion in a letter of Jan. 13, 1862, as follows:
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Camp Clifford Applies for leave to raise and equip a separate command of cavalry for the war. Hg. 2nd Calvary Brigade, Jan. 18, 1862 Respectfully forwarded for the action of the War Department. To the transfer of cavalry from the extreme south to this frontier if the requisite number can be obtained here for the reason of man and horse. I am opposed to any measure tending directly or indirectly to injure or interfere with the present organization of the Jeff Davis Legion. J.E.B. Stuart |
Gordon's plans for returning to Mississippi to form a Battalion of Calvary were accepted. After returning to Mississippi, Gordon began the recruitment of his battalion, and by April 1862 he had signed up a large number of men. He was prompted to write Gov. John Pettus again as follows:
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Columbus, Miss, April
17, 1862 Dear Sir: I am now in command of six companies of cavalry. Others are shortly expected to join the Battalion. I have already companies enough tendered to form a Regiment. I am anxious to resign my commission as Captain of the Chickasaw Rangers and unless I obtain from you a higher commission the War Department will not accept my resignation. My present command here, which by an unanimous vote has elected me Commanding Officer of the Battalion entitles me to a Lt. Colonel's Commission, which you will please send me by Chr. Jas. Wiley and oblige Your Obedient Servant,
P.S.: All my Companies are mustered in for the War.(2) |
Gordon started training his troop in camp at Columbus, Mississippi. He was able to pull off the switch and received a commission for Lt. Colonel. He wrote an amazing letter to Gov. Pettus on May 13, 1862:
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Jackson, May 13th,
1862 Sir, I am informed by citizens of Marion County, Alabama, whose testimony is corroborated by scouts sent from my command to investigate the truth of the rumor that Marion men of that section of Alabama have organized and armed one cavalry troop and hold frequent musters of infantry. If it meets with the approbation of yourself and our military authorities I would like to get authority to march into Alabama with a force sufficient to capture the leaders and suppress the rebellion which I am satisfied exists there against the government of the Confederate States. Respectfully, |
(No follow-up of this letter is known. However, Marion County Alabama area was Unionist during the War.)
Gordon's regiment of Cavalry was assigned to Col. Frank C. Armstrong's Brigade. Armstrong was assigned to command all the cavalry attached to the army of Gen. Sterling Price. Armstrong's Brigade was organized at Guntown, Mississippi in August 1862 and on August 10th Gen. Price reported: "The 4th Mississippi Cavalry (later to be renamed the 2nd M.C.) reported five companies present last evening but not more than three of them armed. Their horses are in good condition but their officers have seen no service." (Gordon again could get more men than he had guns available.)
Col. Armstrong and Col. Gordon raided into Tennessee in August 1862 and were in battle at Bolivar on August 30th and at Britton's Lane near Denmark on Sept. 1, 1862. Gordon’s regiment accompanied Armstrong’s brigade to Iuka, Miss, in advance of General Sterling Price's army, drove in the Federal pickets, informed Gen. Price of the approach of Rosecrans' Union army, and covered the retreat of the Confederates after the Battle of Iuka. Prices' army was closely pressed by Rosecrans Federal Cavalry until Gordon prepared an ambuscade which proved successful allowing Gen. Price to escape.
Armstrong’s Brigade made their way to Baldwyn, Miss. but then advanced and drove back the Federal cavalry at Chewalla, preparatory to an attack of Rosecrans at Corinth, Miss. by the infantry of Gen. Price and Gen. Van Dorn. In the Battle of Corinth Gordon dismounted his cavalry and charged to the assistance of King’s Battery, which was in danger of capture. On the second day Gordon’s Cavalry covered the retreat of General Lovell’s Division. On the fifth day they skirmished on Hatchie Creek and until Ripley, Miss. was passed and the battle over.(26) Gordon was to write of the Battle of Corinth in later years in Publications of the Mississippi Historical Society, Vol. IV, 1901:
THE BATTLE
AND RETREAT FROM CORINTH
By Col. James Gordon
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The difficulty in securing correct war history is not only from the reticence of veterans in regard to their valorous deeds, but from the fact that a soldier's knowledge is limited to that portion of the drama in which he was a participant, where he could only see what was done in the part of the field where he was engaged, and had only a vague idea of what was transpiring elsewhere. Therefore in reviewing the battle scene of Corinth, I must be pardoned if I can only give testimony to the part in which I was an eyewitness, and not immodest in relating my own experiences during the battle and retreat. I had the honor of commanding the Second Regiment of Mississippi Cavalry, Armstrong 's Brigade, which I had raised and drilled in camp of instruction at Columbus, Miss. during the summer of 1862. And reported to Gen. Frank C. Armstrong in August at Baldwyn, Miss., and found him after years of service under his command as true a friend and chivalrous a knight as ever drew sword for the land we loved. By some mistake my regiment was first known as the Fourth Mississippi Cavalry, which has caused some confusion, as it was afterwards given its proper place on the roster. But in the war records Col. Falkner’s Partisan Rangers is given credit for some of our achievements. We marched with Gen. Price's army in September to Iuka, which was intended to draw Rosecrans from Corinth, which Gen. Van Dorn was to attack with a force from Greenwood. On the morning of September 13th, Armstrong's cavalry made a dash on Iuka and drove the enemy out, capturing a quantity of supplies and sutler’s stores, sufficient for our army for weeks, but the infantry got possession and used them so lavishly that in a few days rations were growing short. After a week's inactivity Rosecrans marched out from Corinth and gave us battle. The day closed after a well contested fight with no material advantage to either side, but being short of provisions, early next morning we retired before a vastly superior force, by way of Bay Springs, closely pressed by their cavalry until I led them into an ambuscade where we crossed a bottom, and had masked batteries on the hill with Rogers' brigade of infantry, that fired into them, stopping further pursuit. We reached Baldwyn the next day and hastily prepared three days' rations and began our march for Corinth. On the first of October we met Gen. Van Dorn with Lovell's corps, who took command as we marched on. As we bivouacked the night before reaching Corinth an accident prevented our taking it by surprise, a body of Federal cavalry passed in rear of our army and carried the news of our approach to the enemy. We struck the Federal outpost at Chewalla, six miles west of Corinth and drove the cavalry back to the protection of the infantry, who were entrenched behind formidable breastworks erected by the Confederates after the battle of Shiloh. As we marched gaily forward Gen. Price's Mounted Band kept well up in front of our column, just in rear of our skirmish line, yet out of range of the retreating Federal cavalry. In the rosy realm of childhood my fancy had pictured the bands discoursing martial music while the soldiers were fighting. Old Pap Price's band soon disabused my mind of this fairy tale. The woods resounded with that popular air "Listen to the Mockingbird." When we came in sight of the entrenchments one of those big guns opened with a terrific roar and a huge shell came humming overhead and struck an oak where it forked, about twenty feet above us, splitting it in two, scattering fragments of limbs, bark and splinters among the musicians. The Mockingbird hushed its dulcet strain and the boys shouted with glee as the band and Negro camp followers "skedaddled" to the rear. The ball had opened and it was a different tune we danced to the rest of the day. As the infantry moved forward and engaged the enemy I marched around the earthworks until my left flank rested near the Mobile & Ohio R.R. north of Corinth, where I halted behind a blackjack thicket, awaiting orders, when I observed a section of King's battery, that had been following, turn towards the enemy, and dashing up in gallant style to an elevation, prepared for action, but prompt as they were, those daring Missourians had ventured too far, and before they could bring their guns into action, a regiment of Federal infantry lying concealed in the hollow arose with a cheer and charged them. There was no time for hesitation or awaiting orders. I instantly dismounted my regiment, and, passing through the thicket that had concealed me, charged the enemy in flank and drove them from the guns, which they endeavored to turn on me, but failed to do so before my gallant Mississippi boys were on them, and the Missourians, seeing help at hand, rushed to the guns and poured a terrific fire into their disordered ranks. There was a gallant Federal officer riding an iron-gray horse utterly regardless of danger, a conspicuous mark for our rifles, attempting to rally his men, when our battery opened, the brave fellow fell a mangled corpse, "dead upon the field of glory." I drew my breath and hushed a shout of exultation as I saw him fall and his men, completely demoralized, beat a hasty retreat. I breathed a sigh of regret as I halted in passing the body of my fallen foe, while my men drove his comrades from the field to the protection of the breastworks. My Adjutant, Lieutenant James A. Wiley, and myself were the only officers remaining mounted, and one of those incidents of battle comes back to mind more vividly than more important events. While riding up and down my line of battle directing the movements of my command, a sharpshooter had ensconced himself in my rear in the railroad cut behind some bushes, and brought his rifle to bear on me. His sights, I suppose, were a little too elevated, as he shot, a twig fell on me from a limb I had bowed under in passing. I saw him drop back into the ditch, but there was a fascination in the spot and I could not help watching for his re-appearance until I saw him rise and take another crack at me. I felt the wind of the ball as it touched my moustache in passing. The next time he arose and as I saw he was about to shoot, I involuntarily dodged, which saved me, as the ball struck across the back of my neck, knocking me forward on the neck of my horse, making a black bruise, but not breaking the skin, yet the pain was so severe I thought I was shot through the neck. It was the most demoralizing experience I ever had during my career in the army. I did not care for the bullets from the enemy in front. They were honest foes, but to have a skulking assassin in my rear picking at me and distracting my attention was more than I could endure, and I resolved to get rid of him. So I selected a sandy-haired, freckled-faced fellow in the ranks, who had an impediment in his speech, and, touching him and the comrade beside him, pointed out the spot where the sharpshooter hid, told them to go and kill him and bring me his gun. They started off at a double quick. I watched them close in on him, and as he attempted to retreat, they fired and he fell. My stuttering friend returned, holding up a beautiful Sharp rifle as he said, "'By-by-by G-d, Colonel, I ga-ga-got his gun,” and I may add the brave fellow carried it gallantly through the war and had it at his home in De Soto County the last time I saw him. In the meantime as far as I could see our men were victorious all along the line. An hour more of daylight and Corinth would have been captured, when night cast her mantle of stars over the first act of the bloody drama. I can never forget that mild October night, with its thousands of starry worlds looking down upon our wearied soldiers sleeping upon the ensanguined field where silence reigned. The fierce rebel yell, a sound that could never be produced except by Southern voices, was hushed, and as the veteran dreams of the glories past, that fierce yell, so terrible to the foe, still lives in the deep chambers of his heart, and rising from the depths steals gently o'er the sea of memory in songs of Dixieland. As the morning star arose, Van Dorn's signal gun awoke the slumbering host, which was intended to open the fight. The enemies’ guns replied all along the line of fortifications in our front. It was a grand pyrotechnical display as the hurtling shells came humming overhead with the burning fuse blazing like a comet’s tail, then bursting and scattering fiery fragments that fell like meteoric showers. Just before dawn a large reinforcement of the enemy had passed into Corinth from above. Our cavalry had torn up the railroad twelve miles north of the city and the Federal troops had marched all night, reaching Corinth worn out with fatigue. Van Dorn’s plan, as he told me afterwards, was to begin the attack on the left when the signal gun fired, striking the enemy in echelon of brigades. Had his orders been executed the history of that day would have been different. The worn-out reinforcements could not have resisted the impetuous assault of our army flushed with the victory of the preceding day. A fatal error caused a delay that brought disaster. The officer who should have been ready for the dash at dawn was asleep in a farmhouse, and couriers were riding in every direction in search of him. It was nine o'clock before he was found by which time the enemies reinforcements had breakfasted and refreshed themselves with sleep behind entrenchments protected by heavy guns. It was ten o'clock before the attack was made and then Gen. Price made the advance from the centre, before which lay Battery Robinet, frowning with heavy guns and bristling with rifles, its approach being protected by fallen trees with the limbs sharpened, and through this terrible abattis it was necessary for our troops to pass before they could reach the formidable breastworks that seemed impregnable. I have witnessed many a battle scene, and read thrilling accounts of others, but cannot conceive of anything that human courage could dare more desperately grand than the splendid charge of the brigade led by the gallant Colonel Wm. P. Rogers through the tangled mass of obstructions, with cannon roaring and belching forth great shells that burst as they tore through the Confederate ranks, while grape and canister raked the earth with iron hail, accompanied by the cracking of thousands of rifles from a foe protected by earthworks, whose volleys crashed and rung from out the sulphurous canopy of smoke that enveloped them, filling the air with hissing balls. Yet on those brave men-pressed amid an atmosphere choking with dust and laden with missiles of death. At times the line would reel and stagger and the enemy would cheer a wild huzzah as a flag went down with its fallen bearer, but another devoted hand would raise it, and above the din of battle, the thunder of artillery and crash of small arms would rise a shout of defiance, as that grand old rebel yell would burst forth, and with a desperate valor that no tongue can describe or pen portray, the grey line would close its ghastly gaps and still press on until they reached the red earthworks heaped up behind a yawning ditch, where, with the flash of guns in their faces, they rushed against that wall of fire and bristling steel, and with a yell following the gallant Rogers, the bravest of the brave, who with the glorious banner of stars and bars in his hand, mounted the breastworks and leaped upon the foe, where a desperate hand-to-hand fight with bayonet and clubbed guns was fought that beggars description; but saddest picture of all, amid the heaps of dead lay the embodiment of that splendid courage of which heroes are made in the person of the brave Col. Rogers , while over their fallen chief his men who loved him fought on, driving the enemy in full retreat through the streets of Corinth until they reached the hotel and raised the Confederate Banner over it with shouts of victory. Price’s corps had whipped the fiercest battle ever fought on Mississippi soil. But where were the troops that should have reinforced them from the right? General Lovell’s corps for some unaccountable reason failed to come to their support. They had accomplished all that mortal valor could do. Rosecrans was preparing to retreat, expecting attack from our right but when it failed he attacked the worn out Confederates with fresh troops in overwhelming numbers and forced them back over the ground they had won with such intrepid valor. And, here I may add to the credit of our foe, Gen. Rosecrans buried the noble Rogers with the honors of war. As Price's corps was falling back I received an order to report with my command to Gen. Lovell on our extreme right. I was compelled to pass through Price’s shattered columns, which I did as speedily as I could, and pushed on until I neared the place where I expected to find Gen. Lovell. I saw a long line of grey pushing the enemy before them, so I halted my command behind a hill to protect them from the enemy's fire as we were not out of range, and proceeded alone to look for Gen. Lovell. I found him under fire directing the movement of his men fighting in front. He was a blond, light-haired, military-looking man, dressed in a handsome Major General's uniform, riding a richly caparisoned steed. The bullets were hissing and singing unpleasantly numerous around him as I rode up, and, saluting, introduced myself, stating my business. He replied, "I've no use for cavalry. Look at those men, Colonel, isn't that beautiful?" Sitting on a horse under fire, away from my own command, with nothing to do, is not so fascinating as to the officer directing the movements of his troops. I confess I should have enjoyed it more from a less exposed position. Brig. Gen. Phifer’s brigade was just in front of us and I could see that my old college friend, Charlie Phifer was gallantly performing his duty. Just then a courier dashed up with orders to Gen. Lovell to withdraw his men from the fight. Turning to me, he remarked, "I don't understand this, Colonel. I’ve got a position here, and I can whip anything that can come out of Corinth or hell, and by G-d I don't want to leave it.” I replied "Perhaps you are not aware, General, that Price's corps has been cut to pieces and are in full retreat, and your command is all that are engaged now and you will soon have the entire Yankee army down on you.” Is that so? Then I want you to cover my retreat." He withdrew his men from the fight and they marched off in as perfect order as if coming from dress parade. It was handsomely executed. As they passed out by me I moved my command to the top of the hill in plain view of the enemy, but strange to say, they seemed so staggered by the Confederate charge and surprised at their withdrawal they never fired a shot at me, although within rifle range, and when I retired I was not followed. I overtook Lovell's command about two miles west of Corinth resting by a small branch eating their dinners. He then ordered me to go south about five miles to guard a road leading out from Rienzi, as he apprehended being cut off by a column from that direction. I was to remain there until sunset, then overtake him. I proceeded to the place designated and remained until sunset without any adventure. In the meantime my scouts reported a large force of the enemy having passed on the north of me in pursuit of our army. I was in a dilemma, with a column of the enemy on my right and ahead of me, another expected from the rear and Tuscumbia river on my left, which I must cross if I escaped capture; and in addition to my responsibilities, a squadron of the 1st Mississippi Cavalry, Col. R. P. Pinson's regiment, having been cut off and lost, reported to me and fell in with my command. I had sent out and tried to procure a guide, but failed, so I sent an order down my line for each man to follow his file leader and struck out with the hope of finding a ford across Tuscumbia River. Night gathered in gloomy folds around me as I peered through a hazy atmosphere and entered the sombre shadows of Tuscumbia river bottoms, where, if I chanced upon the enemy with my columns stretched out for two miles, my command was likely to be stampeded. I took my course by the few friendly stars that gave but a feeble light to guide me through a labyrinth of wilderness, and as a shadowing cloud obscured their rays I felt the trees as I passed along, for the moss on the north side told the way to the enemy. From my boyhood, I had hunted much with hunters and trappers in the Mississippi swamps, and learned lessons in woodcraft not taught in military schools, but most useful adjuncts to a military education. Among other things in my experience in the swamps was to trust to the instinct of cattle in finding a ford, which is almost infallible and fortune favored me in striking a cow trail leading towards the river, which I followed carefully in the dim light until I reached their crossing, where in spite of an ill-omened owl that snapped his beak as he flitted across the stream into the gloom beyond, I rode in, leading my column safely over, where I breathed a prayer of thankfulness for having extricated my command from a dangerous position, and was fortunate in reaching the pickets of Lovell's corps, who directed me to his headquarters. I woke him up and reported. He seemed surprised and pleased to see me, and cordially grasping my hand, explained, "I am glad to see you, Colonel. I feared you had been captured, as I saw no way for you to get out. Where did you find a guide?" "I had no guide, General." “Then you know this country.” “ I never was here before." "Then how did you get out?" "By being a bear hunter and skilled in woodcraft.” It was an unfortunate avowal that caused me to be placed in many a tight place in later campaigns, but it gave my men a confidence in my ability to extricate them from any kind of difficult situation. I fear I am digressing, but that march and the responsibilities attending it through the dismal swamp that night after the battle left a more fearful impression on my mind than anything that occurred when exposed to the enemy’s fire, and I relate it here to impress the growing youth with the feelings of an army officer when the lives of his men depend upon his judgement and promptness in execution, and where his reputation may suffer irredeemably from a mistake on his part. The next day our army was cut off at Hatchie Bridge by a large force from Bolivar, Tennessee. Price's Missourians formed line of battle on a ridge in front of a road along which our wagon trains passed, while the enemy were held in check. In the meantime a bridge was hastily constructed at an old mill, over which our wagon train escaped, followed by our infantry skillfully withdrawn from the battle, their retreat being covered by our cavalry falling back in good order, holding the enemy in check, fighting from every available position until we passed Ripley, the enemy pursuing no farther. The cavalry had no access to the wagon train since leaving Baldwyn, and the three days' rations had long since disappeared. The cavalry soldier usually consumed his rations the first day, trusting to luck for the next two. I had tightened my belt for three days and when the friends of Capt. James Ruffin's company from Desoto County sent the boys a wagon loaded with provisions, one of them gave me a large slice of old red smoked bacon, which I devoured raw and dropped down at the foot of a tree and slept for an hour, the sweetest sleep of my life. The bugle call awoke me refreshed and invigorated. We resumed our march until we reached Holly Springs, where we met the exchanged Fort Donaldson prisoners. Why we had not awaited their arrival before attacking Corinth I could not comprehend. It would certainly have changed the result of the battle of Corinth. But the fates were against us. "The stars in their courses fought against Sisera.” At Holly Springs we rested until Grant moved out from Memphis menacing us with a largely superior force. We retired across the Tallahatchie at Abbeville, where we remained until Grant compelled us to retire. We had a small fight at Oxford, then again at Water Valley. As I was leading a charge there I nearly ran over Col. Jacob whose horse was killed under him and he was feeling around for his spectacles. He had resigned his position as Secretary of Interior in President Buchanan's cabinet to join the South. At Coffeeville we had a severe fight, where we led the enemy into an ambuscade and gave them such a thrashing they retired to Oxford. We then went into winter quarters at Grenada, from which place Van Dorn started on his brilliant raid to Holly Springs in rear of Grant’s army, where be destroyed his ordnance and commissary stores, compelling Grant to retreat to Memphis which ended the campaign of 1862 in North Mississippi.(20) |
Gordon’s next campaign was during Gen. U. S. Grants’ advance on the Central Railroad in Mississippi in November and December 1862. His regiment skirmished at Oxford and Water Valley, Miss. and was engaged in the Battle of Coffeeville, Miss.
On November 11, 1862 Gordon wrote Gen. Van Dorn in regard to Gen. U. S. Grant’s movements:
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College Hill Nov.
11th, 1862 Sir My father has just returned from a trip to the Mississippi River where he has been attempting to get back some Negroes stolen by the Yankees. He did not succeed in his objective but learned from reliable authority which he would not like to divulge as it would implicate an old personal friend who has unfortunately let his love for the Union lead him astray, that the enemy intend to move a column through the bottom to Grenada. Their present difficulty seems to be in getting maps of the country. Being satisfied myself of the reliability of my father’s authority as well as the feasibility of the undertaking should they make the attempt, I decreed it my duty to inform you at once. I have lived six years in the bottom and being a hunter know the geography well. If you should think it proper to send a cavalry force to watch their movements I would like to have the honor of going with my command. I am scanning the country for Negroes and am sending them forward as rapidly as possible. I found but few on the south side of the river. The citizens are generally flying from the enemy southward. I think I will get as many as you require in a few days. Respectfully, |
His troop, now about 400 strong, was assigned to General Armstrong's brigade of Jackson's division of Van Dorn's cavalry corps in the Tennessee Campaign of 1863 and was particularly distinguished in the Battle of Thompson’s Station, March 5, 1863. The Confederates took eleven hundred Union prisoners. Col. Gordon's troop was assigned to conduct the Union prisoners from Thompson’s Station to Tullahoma, Tennessee. The captured Col. Wm. L. Utley, in reporting to his superior Gen. Coburn stated: “The prisoners were placed under the charge of Lt. Col. James Gordon of Mississippi. It gives me pleasure to say of Col. Gordon that he treated the officers with extreme kindness and did everything possible for the men. I believe he did everything in his power to furnish the men with suitable rations. They were not to be had and he could not help it. But when we reached Tullahoma the scene changed. Here, to the regret of us all, we had to part with Colonel Gordon and his escort.”(21) General Coburn asked permission of the Confederate Commanders to present his sword and a note of appreciation to Col. Gordon for his kindness and caring toward the Union prisoners and this was done. Gordon’s act of kindness was to pay him a rich reward at a later date. Gen. Coburn’s note was to save Lochinvar from the Union torch six weeks later.
While in the line of battle on March 8, 1863 near Thompson’s Station his regiment was attacked by Mimty's cavalry and forced to retreat with some slight loss. General Nathan Bedford Forrest, with his brigade and the brigade of Jackson, attacked the garrison at, Tenn., which was commanded by Col. Bloodgood and his Wisconsin regiment and Major Wm. R. Shafter's Michigan. A part of Shafter’s regiment had been captured on March 5th at Thompson’s Station. Col. Gordon captured Col. Shafter and was later to say: "I had the honor during my service to capture some prominent men in the northern army; among them was General Coburn of Indianapolis, Ind. I captured one great big man Major W.R. Shafter of the nineteenth Michigan who later became a general. He was a very poor shot, for as I advanced on him with my saber he shot at me five times with his pistol and never touched me. He gave me an awful scare but when I approached him he handed me his pistol and said, "You are welcome to it but it will do you no good as I have shot all the cartridges away; but over at the stockade near Franklin, Tenn. I have a valise that has a thousand cartridges in it and you are welcome to those if you will go after them." Gordon said, "Thank you for the pistol, I will go after the cartridges." In a few weeks Gordon went with Gen. Nathan Forrest to Brentwood Station, captured the fort and got the cartridges. (7)
The action against the fort was led by Gen. Forrest who took companies D, G, H and I under the command of Gordon, the Tenth Tennessee and a battery, and captured the stockade fort on the Harpeth River. Before Gordon had proceeded a mile after the capture of the fort he was attacked by Green Clay Smith's cavalry. Company D checked the pursuit by a volley until Gordon could form on a hill. Gordon stated, "The enemy here charged me while my guns were empty and I was forced to make a precipitous retreat." The rest of the command stampeded and Gordon's Troop was left alone before they gave way.
The regiment was engaged in the unsuccessful attack on Franklin, Tenn. on April 10, 1863. From Tennessee Gordon's cavalry made a rapid trip to Mississippi on the Big Black River near Vicksburg, Miss. In the absence of Van Dorn in Mississippi, Col. Benjamin Grierson's Union cavalry had raided through the State of Mississippi. Gen. U. S. Grant had landed at Bruinsburg, Miss., marched to Jackson and then surrounded Vicksburg. An irate physician because of Van Dorn’s attention to his wife had killed Gen. Van Dorn at Spring Hill, Tennessee. General W. H. Jackson was in command of cavalry including Gordon’s regiment designated as the 4th Mississippi Cavalry in Cosby's brigade with Pinson, Starke and Ballentine regiments, in June 1863.
Col. Gordon tendered his resignation on June 25, 1863 after having been involved in 33 battles and skirmishes. The following letter of resignation was submitted:
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Headquarters 4 Miss.
Cavalry General: I hereby tender my resignation as Lt., Colonel of the 4th Mississippi Regiment and desire that its acceptance be immediate and unconditional. My reasons for resigning are as follows: I have commanded the Regiment for thirteen months as Lt. Colonel, the position of Colonel being in dispute. The consequences is there are two parties in the Regiment which tend to keep the command dissatisfied and demoralized and for the good of the service I desire to withdraw, hoping the command may be more united under another commander. I have never been
absent without leave. Respectfully, James Gordon , Lt. Col. 4th Regiment, Mississippi Cavalry (2) |
It was subsequently disclosed that Col. Gordon had probably been asked to resign his military commission for an assignment to a secret mission. The “disputed Colonelship" was probably only a disguise for his immediate superiors.
The Union had set up a naval blockade around the southern coastline in an effort to starve and strangle the Confederacy out of the War. The South was badly in need of ships to serve as blockade-runners. It was well known that Gordon was a Scot and that James had a speaking acquaintance with at least one person in every major city in Europe, having traveled Europe extensively. Gordon had made a 6-month grand tour of Europe in 1851. It was felt that his presence in Europe would not arouse any undue suspicions because of his connections. He was supplied with letters of marque and authority to sell bonds on the Confederacy for the building of a privateer, a fast ship capable of having a good chance of running the Union blockade and attacking Union merchant ships. Gordon made his way to Europe for the assigned duty and while there, contacted many friends and relatives. On April 20, 1864 he wrote his mother a very interesting and informative letter:
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Written in Liverpool Dear Ma I have just written a long letter to Ginnie and will drop you a line too before I quit. I learned from Ginnie’s letters of the visit of the vandals to Lochinvar - and the dreadful ordeal you had to pass through and your only boy not there to strike a blow for home and country. These things make me wish I were back in the army. Col. Barksdale died filling the place I ought to have filled, but for the treachery of a man I was a fool ever to have trusted. No nobler death could I have asked. How proudly 1 could have fallen beneath those old oaks that sheltered my boyhood. How I would have stubbornly disputed every inch of grossness had I been there. I hope you have remembered some of the names of the villains who plundered Old Lochinvar. The war may cease but I shall if it takes a lifetime hunt the wretches down even in their homes. I hope you have received some of my letters. I had a very long trip here. I went from Nassau to Havana and thence to Cadiz in Spain, thence to London. I spent a few days in Edinburgh - was treated very kindly by my relations there, Cousin Robert Gordon is little changed but Cousin Maggie is no more. She died on November last leaving three children. I will spend all my leisure time in Edinburgh. Our old friend McNicol has shown me much attention while I have been in Liverpool. The Misses Snipes are still single and were very glad to see me. The feeling of the people is all with us but the government has no idea of recognition. France is our only hope here and I believe Napoleon will yet come in in order to hold Mexico. Unless the Yankees back down, a war with France is almost sure. And Napoleon no. 3 is not a man to back down. Leaving Edinburgh I will possibly go to Dublin in a day or two and then to Paris. I've had a very pleasant time, in Cadiz particularly, but we had a stormy passage over. Write to me what you would like to get through the blockade and I will try to get them for you. I expect I will run in on you one of those long days next summer. Give my sympathies to Uncle D. and Aunt Sarah - also Uncle Orne and family. Love to my dear old father. I wish he, you, and my own little family were here out of the turmoil of this unholy war now waged against us. Love to Ginnie (Wife) and my dear little Birdie (Annie-Daughter). My thoughts are ever with you all. Goodbye, and a kiss for all. Your affectionate Son, James Gordon |
He contracted with a Glasgow, Scotland shipbuilder to build the type of ship desired by the Confederacy. The contract stipulated that three ship loads of cotton would be delivered from Wilmington, N.C., one of the few southern ports relatively open at that time, to Jamaica for use in the textile mills of England and Scotland.
The ship was christened the Blenheim. One load of cotton was delivered to Jamaica without event but Gordon contracted yellow fever in Jamaica and almost died. After his recovery he again boarded the for the delivery of the second load. Unknown to Gordon and the Blenheim, Fort Fisher in the harbor of Wilmington had been captured by a federal amphibious force on January 15,1865. The Blenheim steamed blithely into port at Wilmington on the night of January 24th totally unaware of danger and was captured by the Union Navy. The Union Navy reports of the capture were as follows:
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CAPTURE OF THE BRITISH STEAMER BLENHEIM, JANUARY 25, 1865 Report
of Rear-Admiral Porter, U.S. Navy Sir; I have the honor to report the capture of the blockade-runner Blenheim from Nassau. She came in here last night, supposing the place had not been taken, and fell into our hands. She had an assorted cargo of blankets, shoes, hats, etc. I will send her to New York for adjudication. I am, Sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant. David D. Porter, Hon. Gideon Welles Sir: I have the honor to report that on the morning of the 25th of January 1865, I boarded with a prize crew and took possession of the steamer Blenheim, loaded with an assorted cargo and attempting to run the blockade. At the time of capture she had anchored off the Mound battery, and no one on board was aware of the capture of this place by our forces. At the time of boarding they were endeavoring to get the vessel underway. A boat from the U.S.S. Gettysburg boarded her about five minutes after my boat. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, F. M. Green, |
Gordon described the subsequent events as follows:
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"We ran into the harbor on a black night and anchored near Admiral David Porter’s flagship. We couldn't see it in the dark. That night the crew broached a small barrel of whiskey and all hands including the captain got drunk. I was the only sober man on board the ship when a boat came off from the flagship the next morning to take charge of us. I had dressed myself in some clothes belonging to one of the sailors and, had burned my papers but I had $400.00 in gold in a belt around my waist, next to my skin. Whether it was because I was sober and answered all the questions put to me civilly and truthfully, acknowledging that we were a blockade-runner, or for some other reason, I was not searched. Everybody else was. One at a time we were allowed liberty on deck for, exercise, I passed as a member of the crew and, lived down in the forepeak of the crew. I was walking the deck one afternoon when a young Union officer touched me and said, "You are no sailor. You're a landlubber. You don't belong to that crew and you're a gentleman at home. You're a man with a history and I want to know it." I told him that if I should tell my story he wouldn't believe it, but he persisted, and promised not to betray me, so I fixed up a nice tale. I told him that I was the son of the Duke of Argyll of Scotland. "'What are you doing here?" he asked. "Well," I said, "I acted as a second in a duel between the son of the Duke of Bucclough and the son of the Duke of Galloway. My principal was wounded and I had to get out of the country until the father could hush the matter up, I went to the West Indies, and wishing to see something of the fight in the United States, obtained a berth on the ship you have captured." Much impressed the officer wanted to aid me. I said I wanted to write the British representative in Washington. I was allowed to do so. I don't know whether Lord Lyons ever received the letter or not. But I was shortly afterwards released. By this time the ship had been taken to Old Point Comfort and I took the officer, who had been kind to me, and several others up to the Old Hygeia Hotel and gave them a dinner with plenty of champagne. The next day they took me all over Fortress Monroe and I even dared to make some sketches showing the placement of the guns thinking the information might be useful if the war continued. (8) |
When Gordon made his escape to New York he made his way to a cousin that lived on Staten Island in New York. He spent a week with this cousin. The cousin that Gordon stayed with while he was hiding out in New York City was Jannett Norvell, Mrs. Caleb Norvell. Gordon had taken Jannett with them on their 6 month Grand Tour of Europe in 1851. Caleb Norvell was financial editor of a New York newspaper. Gordon was in attendance at a party attended by Horace Greeley and other prominent New Yorkers. Someone proposed a toast to "'Uncle Sam" and this was done. Gordon was a fugitive in enemy territory with his identity and background unknown to all present except his cousin, nevertheless after the toast to "Uncle Sam"; Gordon arose to propose a toast to "Cousin Sally". When prodded to identify who "Cousin Sally" was, Gordon stated that she was the "Confederate States". This caused a great uproar and just about broke up the party. Attending the Norvell's party was a Federal Officer, Col. Townsend, with whom Col. Gordon had crossed swords in the war. The two talked over old times and became great friends. Col. Townsend showed Gordon the town and purchased his tickets for Montreal for him.
When Gordon boarded the train to depart New York City for Canada Col. Townsend warned him of a detective boarding the train to tail Gordon. The train was held up at St. Albans, Vt. by snowdrifts. The St. Albans raid by Confederates from the Canadian side had taken place a short time before their arrival. Gordon was nervous about being in St. Albans at that time because "you (a Confederate) could get hung very readily in that section just at that period." Gordon was traveling with a man named Brown from Dublin, Md. and another named Gray "whom I suppose I fancied because I like the color he was named for.'' Brown and Gordon went to a hotel in St. Albans and Brown pretended to be ill and they stayed in the room until the train could get through the snow banks. Gordon said, "Brown's ailment demanded hot toddies, which I mixed for him, and he divided the medicine with me."
When they reboarded the train everything was quiet until they reached the border at St. Johns. Gordon knew he was now free from danger of arrest and felt so relieved that he stood up in the train and yelled, "Hurrah for Jeff Davis and the Southern Confederacy". Several other Confederates gathered around Gordon and they had a very jolly time. When they left the train at Montreal it was proposed that the whole crowd go to a hotel and have a drink together. Gordon states, "The detective who had talked with me on the way followed us. When he had attempted to start a conversation I had been deeply engrossed in a novel. In the saloon I asked him to join us. When glasses were filled, I said, "Let us drink to Jefferson Davis and the Confederacy.” The detective said, "No, No, I can't do that". I said, "You have got to drink it or I will ram this decanter down your throat and take your teeth with it," He took the drink and we gave the rebel yell. This detective hounded me in Canada for weeks. The rest of the party got away but he followed me like a pursuing nemesis after President Lincoln was assassinated. I tried to escape to Toronto, and in the morning I found him behind me. Finally as I turned a corner he ran into me. Then I turned on him and told him, “Next time you come around a corner close to me I will stab you in the heart. You will meet your fate if you follow me longer” After I turned the next corner I took to my heels. Later I got a train without knowing where it was going and landed with some friends in Niagara Falls, from which point I wrote to my friends in New York. The federal colonel I had met on the way to Canada showed the letter to Gen. Dix who sent me a pass to come to New York. There I took the oath, which I have never violated in word or deed, to support the United States,(8) Gordon was then free to return to Lochinvar in Mississippi.
Gordon had made his way to Montreal to join Jacob Thompson. He signed the register at St. Lawrence Hall on March 8, 1865. Gordon 's wife, Virginia, was Jacob Thompson's niece. Thompson had been an attorney in Pontotoc, MS and Oxford, MS for many years before entering a very successful political career that carried him through several Mississippi legislative positions before becoming Secretary of the Interior in Buchanan's Cabinet. When war came he resigned. He became a colonel in the Confederate forces and had served with Col. Gordon. Jefferson Davis sent Thompson and others to Canada with a great deal of money as Confederate agents with orders of a general nature to do anything that would help the Southern Cause. Thompson had several somewhat harebrained ideas of espionage, such as buying newspapers in areas of lukewarm northern supporters, known as Copperheads, who were weary of the war and its toll, and then using the newspapers to further dissention in the North. He also had plans to gather a group to attempt to release Confederate officer prisoners of war in several areas near the border. He was also definitely involved in plots to kidnap Abraham Lincoln in hopes of forcing the North to discontinue the war. Thompson was charged, as was Gordon, of playing a part in the assassination of Lincoln and a large reward was placed on his head forcing him to flee to England.
James Gordon knew why Thompson was in Canada, and went to join him in his efforts. In fact, Thompson may well